Anton Pritula

 The Hymn on Tiflis from the Wardā Collection

 1. The Wardā, a hymn-collection, from the Syriac Renaissance period.  In the liturgical literature of the Church of East (the so-called Nestorian) the Wardā collection holds a special place. Even judging by the titles of the hymns many men of letters living from the 12^th to the 16^th century participated in its creation besides Gīwargīs Wardā to whom most of the hymns are ascribed. Besides, the collection is meant for the liturgical performance on night services of the festival days and Sundays of all the liturgical year. These two peculiarities make it the main monument of East Syrian liturgical poetry. Its numerous copies are known in different collections of the world. Strophic hymns – ‛ōnītā (pl. ‛ōnyātā) contained in the collection are still a part of the liturgy of the East Syrian Church. Altogether there are over 120 hymns in the collection, most of which are ascribed to Gīwargīs Wardā whose name provides the name of the collection. Due to their content one can distinguish the hymns as: exegetic, hagiographic, apocryphal narratives, describing historical events and calamities, dedicated to other subjects (such as personal penitence). The number of existing manuscripts of this hymn-collection forms several dosens, which represent either a short or a full recension.[1]

There is no information concerning the life of this hymnographer but it is traditionally considered that he lived in the first half of the 13^th century as in the hymns related to his name there are descriptions of the terrible events which took place in the 1220s and 1230s of the century. However no thorough attribution of the hymns contained in the collection has been made, therefore it is possible that they were included later.

Most of the hymns included in the collection are rhymed and reflect a stage in the development of Syriac poetry when it had already begun interacting with the poetry of Muslim surroundings (Arabic and Persian). This period of the second birth of Syrian literature has been recently characterized as The Syriac Renaissance. The term, first introduced by Anton Baumstark, originally included the 12^th -13^th centuries.[2] Moreover it mostly concerned West Syrian literature.[3] Later the notion was expanded: the East Syrian circle of authors was included and the chronological limits extended. According to the periodization of Herman Teule, the Syriac Renaissance begins with Eliyā of Nisibis (975-1046) and ends with the outstanding East Syriac encyclopaedist ‛Abdīšō‛ bar Brīkā (died 1318).[4] The terms offered by this researcher are accepted also in the publications of the younger generation of scholars.[5] The most detailed analysis of the various genres of this period of Christian Syriac culture is presented in the recently published volume The Syriac Renaissance, edited by Teule.[6] There one can find also several articles on the poetry of the period.[7]

Notwithstanding the differences in the views of the researchers, there might be singled out as the main features of the period: an encyclopaedic character, eclecticism, influence of Arabic literature from the point of view of form. It is significant that according to Herman Teule, the role of Arabic language was much stronger in the East Syriac tradition than in the West Syriac.[8] He explains this by the fact that till 1258 AD the residence of the catholicos of the Church of East was in the capital of the caliphate, Bagdad. He also notices that the Arabic influence on the West Syriac tradition was more perceptible in the eastern dioceses than the western ones (Syria). That is why East Syriac authors used to write in Arabic more often.[9]

Despite the military invasions, in the first place that of the Mongols, in the period of the 13^th – early 14^th centuries a whole constellation of first-class poets appeared: Yōḥannān bar Zō‛bī, Yōḥannān of Mosul, Ḫāmīs bar Qardāḥē, Gabriel of Mosul, ‛Abdīšō‛ bar Brīkā. In this period, probably under the influence of Arabic poetry, the sphere of Syriac poetic usage expands. Many poets also wrote commentaries on the Scripture, theological tracts, grammars in verse.

Among the hymnographers of this period Gīwargīs Wardā and Ḫāmīs bar Qardāḥē are most renowned. In this period special attention was paid to hymnography by the Church authors, and the Wardā collection is the most valuable source for studying this genre. Owing to the collection of the hymns by the patriarch Yahballāhā II, the famous Church author Šlēmōn of Basra, Ḥakkīm of bēt Qaššā, Mārī bar Mšīḥāyē, Sabrīšō‛ bar Paulōs of Mosul have been retained.

 2. The publication of the hymns from the Wardā. The first publications of hymns included in the collection began already in the 19^th century. Two of them entered the collection of Syriac poetry by Gabriel Cardahi:[10] the one on the Virgin Mary[11] – complete, and the other only in part. In the anthology of Jaques Eugène Manna there are two hymns ascribed to Gīwargīs Wardā.[12] These are: a hymn dedicated to the Virgin Mary, a hymn on the Nativity, and also a hymn on Man as a microcosm. The latter was later published by Philippe Gignoux, together with the French translation.[13]

An English translation of a hymn by Wardā was included in the famous book by John Badger. This is a hymn of the Holy Virgin.[14] A German translation of the hymn on the Nativity was published together with the hymns of other authors on the Book of Childhood by Bernhard Vandenhoff.[15] In the book by Isaac Folkmann containing Syriac hymns on the martyr George there are two included from the Wardā collection.[16]

In Aladar Deutsch’s dissertation three hymns of the Wardā collection were published and translated into German.[17] In particular, one of them describes the terrors of the capture of the village Karlmela (Karmlīš) by the Mongols in 1235;[18] others are dedicated to the prophet Jonah[19] and are meant for the service of the Rogation of the Ninevites (a particular three-days’ fast anticipating Lent). The edition by Heinrich Hilgenfeld, which includes the original Syriac text and the translation of nine hymns, remains the main publication of the hymns.[20] Among the hymns included in the book there are four on famine and other disasters,[21] among which is the one on the capture of the village Karmela (Karmlīš), published earlier by Aladar Deutsch.[22] In addition, there are the following hymns: the one reproaching the deacon who converted to Islam,[23] those on John the Baptist,[24] on the martyr Tahmazgerd, [25] and on the martyr Jacob of Bēt-Lāpāṭ.[26] This edition was strongly criticized by Anton Baumstark, who published a review on it.[27] Hilgenfeld’s edition included less than 0,1 of the whole collection’s volume and was based only on the Berlin manuscripts and the Vatican one.

Finally, for the third time, the same hymn of on the capture of the village of Karlmlīš was published  by the Italian Syriacist Pier Georgio Borbone, with a translation into Italian and a historical research.[28]

Several hymns from the Wardā collection were published by me. Particularly, six hymns are edited with the original text with a Russian translation.[29] Among them there are the two on Jonah, published earlier by Aladar Deutsch,[30] the two on famine and other disasters, published by Heinrich Hilgenfeld, [31] as well as two which are published for the first time: hymns on the Cross[32] and on Noah.[33] Separately elsewhere I have published the hymn performed on Wednesday of the Rogation of the Ninevites[34]  and other hymns performed on the days of the Rogation: at the  grave,[35] on the inequality of human society. [36]  Besides, four hymns were published in the original and translated by me into English. This is a Christmas hymn based on an apocryphal Book of the Childhood[37] whose German translation was published earlier by Bernhard Vandenhoff, [38] the hymn on the Rogation of Ninevites On himself, [39] the hymn on the capture of Tiflis, also translated for the first time by me (being republished below with the Georgian translation), [40] the hymn on Wednesday of the Rogation, which I had published earlier with a Russian translation.[41]

There are also the hymns attributed to Wardā in the liturgical printed editions of the book of the Church of East, first of all in the edition of the Ḫūdrābook, [42] and also in the nineteenth-century edition of the Urmia publishing house containing the service of the Rogation of the Ninevites. [43]

3. Studies on the Wardā hymnologic collection.So far there has been no special monograph concerning the works by Gīwargīs Wardā; a prefatory article in the Heinrich Hilgenfeld edition remains the only study of the poetical peculiarities of Wardā’s hymns. [44]  In this study the researcher is concerned with the hymnographer’s biography, [45] the meter used in the hymns, and he analyzes the pieces published in the book. [46]

The content of some hymns attributed to Gīwargīs Wardā is noted in David Bundy’s article, on the basis of which he reaches a conclusion on Wardā’s philosophical views. [47] At the same time all the hymns included in the collection are taken for granted as having been written by Wardā himself, without any textual or literary-critical evalutation. For instance, the most popular “world-view” hymn – on the capture of Karmlīš – is not found in copies of the Wardā collection, except for Berlin Ms. orient. fol. 619,  1715 AD.

 A number of articles by Martin Tamcke concern Gīwargīs Wardā’s works. [48]  Two of them concern a hymn on the patriarchs of the Church of East; the first article gives the most detailed survey of the bibliography on Wardā so far, and it also analyzes the reflection of  real historical events in the hymn. [49] In the second,  Tamcke shows how the Islamic epoch and coexistence with Islam is reflected in the same hymn. [50]  There, referring to Theodor Nöldeke, he also questions the authorship of the hymns and the possibility of their later addition to the collection. [51]

4 ‛Ōnītās and historical events: A Hymn on Tiflīs

4.1 General composition of the hymn and its place in the text collection

Among the hymns ascribed to Wardā several describe historical events. The two most famous of them are the one on the conquest of Jerusalem by Muslims in 1187 AD [52] and about the capture of the village Karmlīš in 1235 AD.[53] Both texts survive only in the manuscript Ms. orient. fol. 619 (Berlin State Library), which represents the short recension of the Wardācollection. These hymns have been published for several times, and in the last years carefully studied. For the ‛ōnītā оn  Karmlīš  historians have  compared it  with the data contained in the Syriac History by Bar ‛Ebrōyō.[54]

The hymn on the capture of Tiflis, published here, is one of so-called ‘catastrophe’ hymns, a group describing different calamities, such as famine, locusts, plague, foreign invasions. This group of texts, except for this one, was studied by Martin Tamcke.[55] In the Wardā collection these hymns are placed in the section dedicated to the Rogation of the Ninevites.[56]

The hymn being discussed can be found only in Cambridge Add. 1983, 1550 AD, which also represents the short recension of Wardā. The manuscript does not contain the whole group of the ‘catastrophe’ hymns met in the others. Except for the hymn being published here there is  only one of that group to appear in this manuscript. It has an incipit ܐܘ ܝܘܡ̈ܬܢ ܡܐ ܒܝܫܝܢ. And, thus, this is the only hymn of this ‘catastrophe’ block in common with the other manuscripts.[57] Its position here is no less interesting: it features in the commemoration of the Four Evangelists (fol. 41r), and not in the section on the  Ninevites. As the whole set of those ‘catastrophe’ hymns is not present in the earliest copy, it is also very likely that it is  a later addition. In any case, their attribution to Gīwargīs Wardā is not so indisputable from a textual point of view.

4.2 The historical context of the hymn

The historical context of the hymn is of particular interest. It describes the events that took place in 1220–1226 AD, a period when several different invaders encroached upon the Georgian people. These events were described in Arabic, Persian, Armenian and Georgian sources, and hence, there is enough information with which to compare the hymn.

The list of the invaders in the hymn (stanza 4) mentions many nationalities including the Tatars, the Persians, and the mysterious Magians (ܡܓ̈ܘܫܝܐ). The Tatars (Mongols), with Sübete (Subudey) at the head, appeared in Georgia in 1220 AD accompanied by Turks and Kurds led by Aqush, a local Turk.[58] It is for this reason probable that the Turks are mentioned in the hymn. According to Ibn al-Asīr, a contemporary of the events, there were two battles with the Mongols, both ending with the complete defeat of the Georgians.[59] In the first battle that took place in the month Ẕū-l-Qa‛da, 618 AH (28 Dec. 1220–26 Jan. 1221 AD) the number of the Georgian casualties is estimated at about ten thousand,[60] while in the second one their losses numbered thirty thousand.[61] Kirakos Gandzaketsi, also a contemporary of these events, mentions only one battle, which he describes in detail.[62] It is the battle in the valley called Hunnan, which is dated in his chronicle to 1220 AD, but his compatriot Vardan the Great believes it was in 1221 AD,[63] which corresponds to the date mentioned by Ibn al-Asīr. At first the Georgians, led by the king Georg Laša and the commander Ivane, seemed to gain a victory. They were pursuing the Mongol troops, but suddenly another part of the enemy sprang out of an ambush, having surrounded the Georgian army, which was finally exterminated.[64] Such a manoeuvre was a usual method employed by the Mongols.

The first battle mentioned in the hymn is most likely the one which took place at Hunnan. Some episodes mentioned in it confirm such an identification:

ܠܦܸܠܓܵܗܿ ܕܡܲܫܪܝܼܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܬܒܲܪ ܗܘܼܐ . ܘܟܼܠܗ ܝܵܘܡܵܐ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܪܕܲܦ ܗܘܼܵܐ

ܘܦܸܠܓܐ ܐ̄ܚܪܹܢܵܐ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܩܵܡ ܗܘܼܐ . ܘܠܗ ܘܲܠܓܼܘܼܕܗ ܐܚܲܕ ܗܘܼܐ ܀

              He destroyed a part of their army, 
              And all day long was pursuing them,
              But the other part arose against him,
              And took him and his troop (stanza 10).

After this battle, none the less, the Mongols did not capture Tiflis, but instead departed.[65] So, it is clear that the devastation of Tiflis, and all the terrors following it, described in the hymn should be an act of some other conquerors. And indeed, such was an invasion of the army led by Khorasmshah Jalāl ad-Dīn in 1225–1226 AD. At the beginning of the hymn the events are dated to 623 AH / 1226 AD (stanza 1). Jalāl ad-Dīn, a talented commander originating from a Turkic dynasty, united Western Iran and had the ambition of conquering the Caucasus lands. He waged a war against ‘unfaithful’ Georgia. The Georgians formed a sixty-thousand strong army,[66] which was concentrated near the fortress of Garni. Šihāb ad-Dīn Muhammad an-Nasawī, a personal secretary of sultan Jalāl ad-Dīn, the author of his suzerain’s biography, renders the details of this battle.[67] As the sultan reached Garni he saw the Georgians having settled on a mount “like a high mountain on a mountain”. “But the sultan feared them no more than wolves are afraid of the sheep grazing independently […]”.[68] The combat ended with the complete victory of the Khorasmians.[69] It is very likely that the second battle of the hymn is that of Garni, for some parallels are evident:

ܕܫܲܪܟܿܐ ܐܝܟ ܬܠܬܐ ܐܲܠܦ̈ܝܼܢ . ܕܥܲܠ ܪܹܫ ܛܘܼܪܐ ܗܘܸܘܿ ܩܵܝܡܝܼܢ

ܟܢܲܫܼܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܟܸܢܫ̈ܝܼܢ ܟܸܢܫ̈ܝܼܢ . ܣܕܲܪܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܿܢ ܣܸܕܪ̈ܝܼܢ ܣܸܕܪ̈ܝܼܢ ܀

                    The rest, about three thousand,
                    That had risen to the top of the mount
                    Gathered against them in gatherings,
                    And formed against them formations (stanza 16).

After this battle Jalāl ad-Dīn’s army went to Tabriz, after which it came back to Georgia and marched to Tiflis. They defeated the Georgian troops in several smaller battles. Rusudan, the queen of the Georgians, left Tiflis for Kutais together with her court.[70] After an assault the city was taken:

ܚܙܲܩܘ ܠܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܕܠܐ ܕܸܚ̱ܠܬܼܐ . ܟܕ ܠܲܝܬܿ ܒܗܿ ܡܲܠܟܿܐ ܘܡܲܠܟܿܬܼܐ

ܘܡܼܢ ܠܓܼܵܘ ܦܸܬܼܚܲܬܸ ܚܲܢܦܘܼܬܼܐ . ܡܼܢ ܠܒܲܪ ܥܸܠܬܸ ܡܓܼܘܼܫܘܼܬܐ ܀

                      They encircled Tiflis with no fear,
                      For there was neither a king nor a queen in it.
                      And the heathens came and opened it up from inside,
                      And the Magians entered from outside (stanza 18).

Here, by the heathens the Muslims of Tiflis are meant, who helped their coreligionists to capture the city.[71] The reason for calling them Magians and pagans will be discussed below.

The atrocities caused by Khorasmshahs’ army to Tiflis were described in different sources. Even Jalāl ad-Dīn’s secretary An-Nasawī reports that after the storming of the city all the Georgian and Armenian population was exterminated.[72] The Georgian chronicle compares the massacre in Tiflis with that made by the Roman emperors in Jerusalem.[73] Thus, the terrible descriptions made by the author of the hymn (stanzas 19–46) are not a poetic exaggeration. Kirakos Gandzaketsy describes the devastation of the churches, the breaking of crosses, the raping of women at Tiflis,[74] and so does the author of the hymn (stanzas 26–28, 33–34, 42–43). It is also known from different sources that Jalāl ad-Dīn forced the people to adopt Islam. Those that refused were killed on the bridge over the Kura river, called later The Bridge of the ten thousand martyrs.[75]

 Neither is the detailed description of plundering an exaggeration in the hymn (stanzas 35, 38). Even Jalāl ad-Dīn’s secretary mentions that “the Sultan got everything that had been collected over the ages. The fingers of the most skilful man could not calculate all this, and in the piles of the lists it would have been too tight to number it’.[76]

 The brave hero Šarwā mentioned in the hymn (stanzas 9–15) is Shalva Akhaltsykheli, a brother of Ivane Akhaltsykheli, both famous Georgian warriors. But in fact Shalva was captured in the battle of Garni by the Khorasmians (1225 AD), not at Hunnan, fighting the Mongols (1221 AD) as it follows from the hymn (stanza 10). These two events are confused in this poetic text, and so are the two different invaders’ armies. They have been merged and transformed into one mysterious Magians’ force. The historical Shalva was captured by the Khorasmians and, according to An-Nasawī, he was killed because of the letters he had addressed to the Abkhaz princes warning them of Jalāl ad-Dīn’s raid on them.[77] The letters were captured by Jalāl ad-Dīn’s agents. Shalva was torn in two on the bank of the river by Jalāl ad-Dīn’s order.[78] Jūvainī and Rašīd ad-Dīn do not mention anything about the letters. According to them the sultan treated Shalva with respect, and the latter promised to help him in capturing Tiflis. But in fact he deceived Jalāl ad-Dīn and tried to send the Khorasmians’ army to the ambush he had prepared for them. Having known about his plan Jalāl ad-Dīn ‘stood up and with the sword in his hand he struck at Shalva’s waist and cut him in two so that his blood polluted the sword’.[79]. Unlike these two authors of the late 13^th–early 14^th centuries An-Nasawī was a witness of the events, and hence his information seems more reliable. This raid was not the last one made by Khorasmshahs against the Christian cities. It was in 1244 AD that the Khorasmians undertook a raid to Syria, Palestine, and having captured Jerusalem killed most of the Christian population. They also burned the churches along with the relics.[80]

 4.3 An epic aspect of the hymn: transformation of the Muslims into Magians

In the hymn the episode with the letters is also mentioned (stanzas 12–14), but with a specific pathos. The Muslim Khorasmians have been transformed into Magians, i.e. Zoroastrians, represented as pagans (stanzas 12–15), and Šarwā (Shalva) as a protector of Christianity from paganism (stanzas 12, 15). Killing the hero seems to be represented in the hymn as a part of some heathen ritual (stanza 15). And, besides, the Persians (ܦܪ̈ܣܝܐ) are named in the same hymn in the list of the invaders side by side with these Magians as a different nation (stanza 4).

 The term magianism (ܡܓܘܫܘܬܐ) also means ‘magic practicing, sorcery’.[81] It is very tempting to suggest that here it could be a reflection of the fact that the  Mongols at this period were shamanist, and in this case we face a complete merging of the Mongols and the Khorasmians in the text. A special article by John Boyle is devoted to the Turkic and Mongol rituals of the period.[82]

Nevertheless, it is well-known, that the Mongols were acquainted with Christianity already in the 12^th century, namely the tribe of Keraits, were completely Christianized long before the raids of the Mongols in the Caucasus and Near East.[83] The first generation of the  Mongolian empire’s ruling élite (early 13^th century), had a traditional world-view, which tolerated different confessions.[84]

That is why another possibility seems to be more likely. The term Magians (ܡܓܘ̈ܫܝܐ), whose main meaning is Zoroastrians, is reported to mean also Persians as a nationality.[85] Since the Sasanian period they were associated by the Christian communities with Zoroastrianism and sporadic persecutions. Anyway, there is no evidence tht it was ever applied to Muslims.[86] The Khorasmshahs’ state with its capital at Tabriz could be perceived by the Christian neighbours as a sort of Persian military Renaissance, which might be reflected in the hymn. The fact that the Persians and the Magians are listed in the hymn side by side as invaders (stanza 4) does not disprove this suggestion, because we are not dealing with a historical text in the exact meaning of the term. Poetic rows of synonyms are often met with in such hymns even when this contradicts the sense.

 What could be the reason of such a transformation? Was it done deliberately or not? To answer this important question we need to define an approximate date and location of its composition. A priori it appears quite natural to see in the author a witness of the events being described. But taking into consideration the serious confusions in their interpretation, this does not seem to be so evident. All this indicates that the author was not a witness of the events he described. He could even have lived in a rather distant location, Syria or Iraq for instance. If by the term ܟܪ̈ܬܘܝܐ the Kartvelians are meant (stanza 4),[87] then mentioning it in the list of the invaders confirms this suggestion. As it is just a name of the ethnic group the Georgians belong to, such a confrontation makes no sense.

It is also possible that using this term the text also involves a kind of contamination, as in the case with the Magians, which may reflect an important feature of this genre. The author had no ambition to name precisely the ethnic term, instead he just noticed the usual enemies of the Christians in the East.

Neither did the poet use historical chronicles for those events. All the transformations and confusions would become comprehensible if we assume that the author used a source of a different genre, namely an epic one. It is also possible that the hymn was not written immediately after those events. So, some tradition or a legend concerning them might have appeared by that time, be it an oral or a written one. The massacre at Tiflis was such a terrible tragedy that it stayed in people’s memory, just as the ‘ten thousand martyrs on the bridge’ did. And unlike the historical sources, ‘people’s memory’ sometimes reflects historical events in a very queer way. It seems, a feature of the ‛ōnītā genre is to render sources of that kind, as in these hymns many episodes unknown elsewhere are met with.[88] Shalva Akhaltsykheli was a popular hero of Georgian legends; he is also celebrated as a martyr by the Georgian Church together with the ten thousand martyrs.[89] In Shalva’s hagiography based on the legends, his captivity is described in terms very similar to the hymn under discussion. Shalva is shown as a confessor of Christianity, his brave confessing was a reason for his being slaughtered, and there is no record of the letters or the ambush in the text.[90]

This suggestion is also confirmed by another hymn, also within the same “catastrophe” group, namely the second one on the capture of Jerusalem, published by Th. Nöldeke. It was pointed out by him that the hymn contains many mistakes concerning different historical facts. Theodor Nöldeke suggested that it had been composed long after this historical event by a person, whose only source was an oral narrator of the folk tradition.[91] These mistakes and transformations are studied in more detail in the articles by Alessandro Mengozzi, who also comes to the conclusion that the author of the Jerusalem hymn used a kind of oral tradition and completely ignored the historical sources.[92] Such a tradition of reflecting historical events will definitely have appeared many centuries earlier.[93] But it is owing to the ‛ōnītā genre that it first became a part of the Church liturgy.

                The further development of such a ‘historical’ method can be observed in Neo Aramaic poetry, namely in the dorekta genre. Thus, a dorekta by Stefan from Alkosh, written also in seven-syllable metre, deals with the Ottoman-Russian war in 1876-1878 AD.[94] With regard to its poetical features and syntax, it is even closer to the oral tradition than the ‛ōnītā.[95

Text

܀ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܕܥܠ ܬܦܠܝܼܣ ܕܝܠܗ ܟܕ ܕܝܠܗ[96]    ܐܚܼܪܬܐ[fol. 48v]

ܒܫܲܢܬܿܐ ܡܲܠܝܲܬܼ ܒܝܼܫ̈ܬܼܐ   [1]

ܕܫܘܼܠܵܡ ܬܠܬ ܫܢܝܼ̈ܢ ܥܲܫܝܼܢ̈ܬܐ

ܕܲܒܗܝܹܢ ܣܓܼܝܸ ܟܠ ܡܲܪ̈ܕܘܬܐ

ܩܲܡܨܵܐ ܘܙܵܚܠܐ ܘܟܲܦܢܵܐ ܘܡܵܘܬܿܐ

ܘܚܲܪܒܿܐ ܘܙܵܘܥܵܐ ܘܲܫܓܼܝܫܘܼܬܐ

ܐܲܡܠܸܟ ܒܟܼܠܗܘܿܢ ܐܲܬܼܪ̈ܘܬܼܐ  [fol. 49r]

ܘܐܸܫܬܲܡܥܲܬܸ ܫܡܘܿܥܬܿܐ ܒܝܼܫܬܿܐ

ܕܐܸܬܵܬܸ ܥܲܠ ܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܡܕܼܝܢܬܿܐ

ܡܼܢ ܕܫܲܪܝܲܬܸ ܟܪܸܣܛܝܵܢܘܼܬܼܐ

ܠܲܝܬܿ ܥܲܡܵܐ ܘܐܦܠܵܐ ܐܘܼܡܬܼܵܐ

ܕܗܟܢ ܓܡܲܪ ܥܠܘܗܝ ܒܝܼܫ̈ܬܼܐ ܀

ܟܡܵܐ ܡܲܪܝܼܪ ܫܲܪܒܵܗܿ ܕܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ . ܕܥܲܠ ܠܗܿ ܥܲܡܵܐ ܕܠܵܐ ܡܸܬܛܦܝܼܣ  [2]

ܘܠܐ ܡܸܬܼܪܲܥܹܐ ܘܠܐ ܡܸܬܬܿܦܝܼܣ . ܘܠܐ ܡܸܫܬܿܡܲܥ ܠܐܝܢܐ ܕܠܗ ܡܦܝܼܣ ܀

     ܫܢܲܬ ܬܠܬ ܘܥܸܣܪܝܼܢ ܕܛܲܝ̈ܝܐ . ܘܫܸܬܼܡܵܐܐ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܠܐܝܼܫܡܵܥܠܵܝܹܐ [3]

ܗܘܸܐ ܠܥܲܡܵܐ ܕܓܲܪ̈ܓܘܿܣܵܝܹܐ . ܐܲܝܟ ܕܗܘܸܐ ܠܲܥ̈ܡܵܠܩܵܝܹܐ ܀

ܐܬܼܐ ܚܲܝܠܐ ܕܒܲܪܒܪ̈ܝܹܐ . ܘܥܲܡܹܗ ܥܲܡܵܐ ܕܦܵܪ̈ܣܝܹܐ [4]

ܘܬܲܪܬܿܪ̈ܵܝܹܐ ܘܲܡܓܼܘܼ̈ܫܵܝܹܐ . ܘܟܼܪ̈ܬܿܘܵܝܹܐ ܥܲܡ ܬܘܼܪ̈ܟܵܝܹܐ ܀

ܡܼܢ ܩܲܡ̈ܨܐ ܣܲܓܿܝܼܐܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܡܼܢ ܕܸܒܿܘܿܪܹ̈ܐ ܙܝܼܥܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ [5]

ܘܡܼܢ ܬܲܢܝܢܹ̈ܐ ܒܝܼܫܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܡܼܢ ܫ̈ܐܕܐ ܚܲܪ̈ܡܵܢܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ ܀

ܟܠ ܐܲܬܼܪܵܐ ܕܒܹܗ ܥܵܒܼܪܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܢܘܼܪܵܐ ܒܓܼܵܘܹܗ ܡܲܪܡܹܝܢ ܗܘܼܘ [6]

ܘܟܼܠ ܡܕܼܝܢܬܿܐ ܕܠܗܿ ܥܵܐܠܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܒܲܕܡܘܼܬܼ ܣܕܼܘܿܡ ܠܵܗܿ ܫܵܒܼܩܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ ܀

ܥܲܡܡܹ̈ܐ ܕܕܵܡܹܝܢ ܠܚ̈ܝܘܬܼܐ . ܒܝܼܫ̈ܬܐ ܘܣܵܪ̈ܘܿܚܬܐ [7]

ܥܲܠܼܘ ܠܗܠܝܹܢ ܐܲܬܼܪ̈ܘܬܼܐ . ܕܲܡܠܝܹܢ ܗܘܼܘ ܗܲܝܡܢܘܬܸܐ ܀

ܕܠܐ ܕܝܼܢܵܐ ܕܢܼܵܘ ܠܲܡܕܝܼܢܬܿܐ . ܘܲܥܒܲܕܘܼ ܬܒܲܥܬܼܵܐ ܥܲܫܝܼܢܬܿܐ [8]

ܡܼܢ ܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܐܵܪܹܫܟܼܵܝܬܿܐ . ܘܝܼܕܝܼܥܬܿܐ ܘܲܡܫܲܡܲܗܬܿܐ ܀

ܓܲܒܼܪܐ ܓܲܢ̄ܒܵܪܐ ܫܲܪܘܵܐ . ܟܲܕ ܛܸܒܿܐ ܕܝܼܠܗܘܿܢ ܫܡܲܥ ܗܘܼܐ [9]

ܐܝܟ ܫܲܒܼܥܵܐ ܐܲܠܦ̈ܝܼܢ ܕܒܲܪ ܗܘܼܐ . ܘܐܲܩܪܸܒܼܘ ܥܲܡܗܘܼܿܢ ܕܠܐ ܫܲܠܘܵܐ ܀

ܠܦܸܠܓܵܗܿ ܕܡܲܫܪܝܼܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܬܒܲܪ ܗܘܼܐ . ܘܟܼܠܗ ܝܵܘܡܵܐ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܪܕܲܦ ܗܘܼܵܐ [10]

 ܘܦܸܠܓܐ ܐ̄ܚܪܹܢܵܐ ܥܠܘܗܝ / ܩܵܡ ܗܘܼܐ . ܘܠܗ ܘܲܠܓܼܘܼܕܗ ܐܚܲܕ ܗܘܼܐ ܀ [fol. 49v]

      ܐܸܬܸܐܣܲܪܘ ܗܘܼܘ ܒܫ̈ܫܠܬܐ . ܐܲܝܟ ܒܥܝܼܪܐ ܘܐܝܟ ܚܝܘ̈ܬܐ [11]

ܘܟܕ ܚܙܼܐ ܡܠܹܐ ܓܲܢܒܵܪܘܼܬܼܐ . ܒܝܼܫܘܼܬܼܐ ܕܲܡܓܼܘܼܫܘܼܬܼܵܐ ܀

ܟܬܼܒ ܗܘܼܐ ܒܲܥܓܲܠ ܐܸܓܿܪ̈ܬܼܐ . ܠܥܲܡܵܐ ܕܩܘܼܡܘ ܒܲܡܣܲܪܗܒܼܘܼܬܼܐ [12]

ܘܬܼܵܘ ܟܠܟܼܘܿܢ ܒܲܟܼܢܝܼܫܘܼܬܼܐ . ܥܲܕܠܐ ܬܸܥܫܲܢ ܚܲܢܦܘܼܬܼܐ ܀

 ܕܗܠܝܹܢ ܐܢ̈ܫܐ ܛܵܒܼ ܥܵܫܢܝܸܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܡ̈ܝܐ ܕܝܲܡ̈ܡܐ ܟܢܝܼܫܝܼܢ [13]

ܐܲܕܼܪܸܟܼܘ ܐܸܢܘܿܢ ܩܕܡ ܕܩܵܝܿܡܝܿܢ . ܘܲܠܥܲܡܲܢ ܠܲܐܒܼܕܵܢ ܥܵܒܼܕܝܼܢ ܀

ܢܦܼܠ ܒܐܝܼܕ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܐܸܓܿܪ̈ܬܼܐ . ܘܐܲܝܬܿܝܘܼܗܝ ܠܟܹܐܢܵܐ ܒܵܗܿ ܒܫܵܥܬܼܐ [14]

ܘܟܲܕ ܫܲܐܠܘܼܗܝ ܥܲܠ ܟܬܼܝܼܒܼܵܬܼ̈ܐ . ܐܵܘܕܿܝܸ ܗܘܸ ܕܠܐ ܕܚ̱ܠܬܼܐ ܀

ܕܠܐ ܙܲܕܩ ܕܲܠܚܢܦܘܬܐ . ܐܵܘܪܸܒܼ ܥܠ ܡܥܡܘܿܕܝܼܬܼܐ [15]

ܘܟܲܕ ܫܡܲܥܘ ܗܵܠܝܢ ܚܕܐ ܢܸܟܼ̄ܣܬܼܐ . ܥܒܲܕܘ ܠܟܼܠܗܘܿܢ ܒܟܢܝܼܫܘܬܼܐ ܀

ܕܫܲܪܟܿܐ ܐܝܟ ܬܠܬܐ ܐܲܠܦ̈ܝܼܢ . ܕܥܲܠ ܪܹܫ ܛܘܼܪܐ ܗܘܸܘܿ ܩܵܝܡܝܼܢ [16]

ܟܢܲܫܼܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܟܸܢܫ̈ܝܼܢ ܟܸܢܫ̈ܝܼܢ . ܣܕܲܪܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܿܢ ܣܸܕܪ̈ܝܼܢ ܣܸܕܪ̈ܝܼܢ ܀

ܡܼܢ ܠܬܲܚܬܿ ܣܠܸܩ ܡܲܫܸܪ̈ܝܵܬܼܐ . ܐܝܟ ܥܢ̈ܢܐ ܐܘܼܟܵܡ̈ܬܐ [17]

ܘܥܲܠܥ̈ܠܐ ܬܲܩܝܼܦ̈ܬܐ . ܢܦܠܼܘ ܟܠܗܘܿܢ ܘܡܝܼܬܼܘ ܒܗܿ ܒܫܥܬܼܐ ܀

   ܚܙܲܩܘ ܠܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܕܠܐ ܕܸܚ̱ܠܬܼܐ . ܟܕ ܠܲܝܬܿ ܒܗܿ ܡܲܠܟܿܐ ܘܡܲܠܟܿܬܼܐ [18]

ܘܡܼܢ ܠܓܼܵܘ ܦܸܬܼܚܲܬܸ ܚܲܢܦܘܼܬܼܐ . ܡܼܢ ܠܒܲܪ ܥܸܠܬܸ ܡܓܼܘܼܫܘܼܬܐ ܀

ܒܫܘܼܪܵܝܹܗ ܕܝܵܘܡܵܐ ܪܲܒܿܐ . ܗܘܸܐ ܒܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܓܘܼܢܚܵܐ ܪܲܒܿܐ [19]

ܕܥܲܠܘܼ ܠܓܵܘܵܗܿ ܟܸܢܫܵܐ ܪܲܒܿܐ . ܘܐܵܘܒܸܕܘ ܒܗܿ ܥܲܡܵܐ ܪܲܒܿܐ ܀

ܒܙܲܒܼܢܵܐ ܕܪ̈ܵܥܡܵܢ ܥܕ̈ܬܐ . ܒܗ̈ܘܼܠܠܹܐ ܘܒܲܙܡܝܼܪ̈ܬܐ [20]

ܪܥܸܡ ܒܿܗ ܒܬܸܦܠܝܼܣ ܕܵܘܝܼܬܼܐ . ܩܠܐ ܕܒܸܟܼܝܵܐ ܘܕܐܘܿܠ̈ܝܵܬܼܐ ܀

ܝܵܘܡܐ ܗܘܼܐ ܡܠܹܐ ܐܘܼܠܨܵܢܿܐ . ܝܵܘܡܵܐ ܕܚܸܫܟܿܐ ܘܥܲܡܛܵܢܐ [fol. 50r; 21]

ܘܲܕܥܲܪܦܸܠܐ ܘܕܲܥܢܵܢܵܐ . ܕܐܸܡܼܪ ܥܵܡܘܿܣ ܛܘܼܒܢܵܐ ܀

 ܝܵܘܡܵܐ ܕܒܹܗ ܥܫܸܢ ܢܸܗ̈ܡܬܐ . ܘܐܸܬܬܿܪܲܥܘ ܕܡ̈ܥܹܐ ܕܒܒ̈ܬܼܐ [22]

ܝܵܘܡܐ ܕܒܹܗ ܢܦܠܼ ܚܹܐܪ̈ܬܐ . ܒܐܝܼܕ̈ܝ ܚܲܢܦ̈ܐ ܕܒܝܼܫܘܬܐ ܀

ܐܝܟ ܫܝܼܠܘܿ ܥܒܼܕܘ ܠܲܡܕܝܼܢܬܿܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܨܸܗܝܘܿܢ ܒܝܬ ܡܲܠܟܿܘܼܬܗܘܿܢ [23]

ܘܐܝܟ ܫܵܐܘܿܠ ܢܦܼܠܘ ܡܲܠܟ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܒܢܵܘ̈ܗܝ ܩܲܛܸܠ ܠܲܒܼܢܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ ܀

ܘܐܲܝܟ ܒ̈ܢܲܝ ܥܸܠܝܼ ܟܵܗܢܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܐܲܡܟ ܒ̈ܢܲܝ ܩܘܼܪܚ ܡܫܡܫܢ̈ܝܗܘܢ [24]

ܘܐܝܟ ܐܝܼܪܝܼܚܘܿ ܢܦܼܠܘ ܟܠܗܘܿܢ . ܡܲܓܼܕ̈ܠܝܗܘܿܢ ܥܲܡ ܫܘܼܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

 ܐܝܟ ܝܘܿܢܵܬܼܵܢ ܚܪ̈ܝܼܒܲܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܒܕܡܘܼܬ ܐܲܒܼܢܝܹܪ ܩܛܝܼܠܝܗܘܿܢ [25]

ܫܩܝܼܠܝܼܢ ܬܵܓܹ̈ܐ ܕܡܲܠܟܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܩܘܼ̈ܠܒܹܿܐ ܘܚܵܘܕܹ̈ܐ ܕܚܹܐܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

  ܒܢܲܪ̈ܓܹܿܐ ܬܲܒܲܪܘ ܨܠܝܼܒܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܒܦܸܠܩܹ̈ܐ ܥܲܩܲܪܘ ܡܲܕܒܚܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ [26]

ܒܟܼܘܼܠܒܹ̈ܐ ܐܲܚܪܸܒܼܘ ܡܲܩܕܫ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܒܐܪܥܵܐ ܫܕܼܵܘ ܝܲܩܝܼܪ̈ܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܀

       ܐܲܥܸܠܘ ܟܲܠ̈ܒܿܐ ܠܗܲܝܟܿܠܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܟܘܼ̈ܕܲܢܘܬܼܐ ܠܡܲܕܒܿܚ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ [27]

ܘܣܘܼܣܝܵܐ ܨܗܸܠ ܒܝܹܬ ܨܠܘܬ̈ܗܘܿܢ . ܘܪ̈ܟܼܫܵܐ ܣܠܸܩܘ ܥܠ ܒܹܝܡܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ ܀

 ܒܢܘܼܪܐ ܐܵܘܩܸܕܘ ܣܸܦܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܒܫ̱ܠܗܒܼܝܼܬܼܵܐ ܟܬܼܵܒ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ  [28]

ܘܣܲܚܸܦܘ ܕܘܼܡܣܹܐ ܕܥܘܼܡܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܕܲܡܫܲܒܿܚܵܬܼܐ ܕܲܝܪ̈ܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܀

   ܐܝܟ ܫܸܡܫܘܿܢ ܢܦܼܠܘ ܪܹ̈ܫܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܥܫܵܐܹܠ ܩܲܠܝܼܠܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ [29]

ܘܐܝܟ ܓܘܼܠܝܵܕܼ ܓܲܢܒܵܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܠܵܐ ܐܸܫܬܿܟܲܚ ܡܿܢ ܕܩܵܒܲܪ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܀

   ܐܝܟ ܚܵܨ̈ܘܿܕܹܐ ܚܨܲܕܼܘ ܐܢܘܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܓܕ̈ܝܼܫܹܐ ܫܕܼܵܘ ܣܵܒ̈ܝܗܘܢ [30]

ܘܐܝܟ ܩܵܝܡ̈ܵܬܼܵܐ ܥܠܝܡܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܫܸ̈ܒܼܿܠܹܐ ܝܲܠܘܼܕ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܀ 

 ܒܕܡܘܬܼ / ܟܲܪ̈ܡܹܐ ܩܛܲܦܘ ܐܸܢܘܿܢ . ܘܐܝܟ ܥܸܢܒܹ̈ܐ ܟܲܢܸܫܘ ܐܢܘܿܢ [fol. 50v; 31]

ܘܐܝܟ ܥܵܨܘܿܪܹ̈ܐ ܥܨܲܪܘ ܐܢܘܿܢ . ܝܵܗܵܝ ܝܵܗܵܝ ܘܕܵܫܼܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܀

 ܐܸܟܼܠܬܸ ܛܲܝܪܐ ܫܠܲܕܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܣܸܒܼܥܲܬܸ ܚܲܝܘܼܬܐ ܒܸܣܸܪܗܘܿܢ [32]

ܘܲܪܘܵܬܸ ܐܲܪܥܵܐ ܡܼܢ ܕܸܡܗܘܿܢ . ܘܠܫܡܝܐ ܡܛܐ ܛܸܢܵܢܗܘܿܢ ܀

    ܐܸܨܛܲܥܲܪ ܗܘܼ̈ܝ ܒܿܬܼܘܼ̈ܠܬܼܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܸܬܼܒܲܙܲܚ ܝܲܩܝܼܪ̈ܬܼܗܘܿܢ [33]

ܘܐܸܫܬܲܠܲܚ ܪܹ̈ܫܵܢܝܵܬܼܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܸܬܼܦܲܪܣܝܸ ܪܘܪܼ̈ܒܢܝܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܀

ܡܼܢ ܩܲܝܛ̈ܘܿܢܹܐ ܕܒܲܪܘ ܒܢ̈ܬܐ . ܘܡܼܢ ܒܝܬ ܓܢ̈ܘܿܢܹܐ ܟܲܠܠܬ̈ܐ [34]

ܘܡܼܢ ܬܘ̈ܢܐ ܚܹܐܪ̈ܬܼܐ . ܘܲܥܒܲܕܘ ܐܢ̈ܝܢ ܐܲܡܗ̈ܬܼܐ ܀

 ܫܼܩܠܘ ܨܠܝܼܒܹ̈ܐ ܡܼܢ ܥܕ̈ܬܐ . ܘܟܵܣܹ̈ܐ ܥܲܡ ܡܩܲܕ̈ܫܵܢܝܼܬܐ [35]

ܫܠܼܚܘ ܐܢܘܿܢ ܠܲܡܕܝܢ̈ܬܐ . ܐܝܟ ܩܘܼܪ̈ܒܢܐ ܘܡܵܘ̈ܗܒܬܐ ܀

ܠܲܐܦܸܣܩ̈ܘܿܦܹܐ ܒܫܸܫ̈ܠܬܐ . ܦܟܲܪܘ ܐܝܟ ܥܵܒܼ̈ܕܝ ܒܝܼܫ̈ܬܐ [36]

ܘܲܠܪܹܫ ܟܠܗܿ ܚܲܣܝܘܼܬܼܐ . ܐܝܟ ܕܵܢܝܼܐܹܠ ܒܲܫܒܼܝܼܬܼܐ ܀

ܩܵܬܼܘܿܠܝܼܩܵܐ ܐܲܣܝܼܪܐ . ܘܐܲܦܸܣܩܘܿܦܵܐ ܒܐܲܦܣܵܪܵܐ [37]

ܘܪܹܫ ܩܲܫܝܼܫܵܐ ܘܣܵܥܘܿܪܵܐ . ܐܝܟ ܬܵܘܪܹܐ ܕܢܵܓܼܕܝܼܢ ܒܢܝܼܪܐ ܀

 ܥܒܼܕܘ ܛܲܣܹ̈ܐ ܡܼܢ ܦܝܼܪ̈ܡܲܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܪ̈ܘܼܡܚܹܐ ܡܼܢ ܐܘܼܫܥܢܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ [38]

ܘܝܲܗܒܼܘ ܠܥܲܒܼ̈ܕܐ ܐܘܼܪܵܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܙܵܢܝܵܬܼ̈ܐ ܫܘܼܫܸ̈ܦܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

ܒܢܘܼܪܵܐ ܐܲܪܡܝܸܘ ܢܒܼܝܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܒܓܼܵܘ ܝܲܩܕܵܢܵܐ ܫܠܝܼܚܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ [39]

ܘܡܲܠܟܵܐ ܐܹܘܵܢܓܵܠܝܘܿܢ . ܬܲܗܠܲܠܬܿܐ ܗܘܸܐ ܒܲܝܢܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܀

ܝܼܚܝܼܕ̈ܝܹܐ ܒܥܘܼܡܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܕܲܝܪ̈ܝܹܐ ܒܩܸ̈ܠܵܝܵܬܗܘܢ [40]

ܐܝܟ ܛܒܲܝܹ̈ܐ ܥܲܠܘ ܗܘܼܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܿܢ . ܟܲܕ ܚܲܝܼܝܼ̈ܢ ܢܫܲܛܘ ܡܸܫܟܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ ܀

  ܒ̈ܢܵܬܼ ܩܝܵܡܹ̈ܐ ܩܲܕܝܼܫ̈ܬܐ . ܕܲܥܪܩܼ ܡܼܢ ܫܘܬܦܘܼܬܐ [41]

ܥܒܼܕܘ ܐܸܢ̈ܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܫܵܩ̈ܝܵܬܐ . ܘܐܝܟ ܙܵܢܝܬ̈ܐ ܒܚܲܢܘ̈ܬܐ ܀

ܚܲܒܸܿܠܘ ܗܘܼܘ ܠܕܲܒܼܬܼ̈ܘܼܠܵܢ ܗܘܼ̈ܝ . ܘܲܫܒܼܵܘ ܠܲܕܫܲܦܝܼܪ̈ܢ / ܗܘܼ̈ܝ [fol. 51r; 42]

ܘܦܲܪܸܬܼܘ ܗܘܼܘ ܠܲܕܒܲܛ̈ܢܵܢ ܗܘܼ̈ܝ . ܘܠܐ ܪܲܚܸܡܘ ܠܲܕܼܡܲܝܢ̈ܩܵܢ ܗܘܼ̈ܝ ܀

ܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܲܫܠܼܚܘ ܗܘܼܘ ܡܵܐܢ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܐܲܝܟ ܝܵܪܘܼܪܹ̈ܐ ܫܒܼܩܘ ܐܸܢܘܿܢ [43]

ܘܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܕܲܒܲܚܘ ܚܲܒܿܝܼܒܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܐܝܟ ܦܲܪ̈ܘܼܓܹܐ ܒܥܘܼܒܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ ܀

 ܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܐܵܘܩܸܕܘ ܒܓܼܵܘ ܒܵܬܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܐܲܟܼܚ̄ܕܵܐ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܘܲܠܝܲܠܕܝ̈ܗܘܿܢ[44]

ܘܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܲܚܼܙܵܘ ܫܘܼܢܵܩ ܒܢܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܘܡܼܢ ܚܲܫܵܐ ܛܠܸܩ ܪ̈ܘܼܚܵܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܀

 ܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܲܠܛܘܼܪܵܐ ܣܵܠܩܿܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܡܼܢ ܬܲܡܵܢ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܫܵܕܝܹܢ ܗܘܼܘ[45]

ܘܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܒܲܡܥܲܪܹ̈ܐ ܛܵܫܹܿܝܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܟܲܦ̈ܢܹܐ ܨ̈ܗܲܝܵܐ ܡܵܝܬܿܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ ܀

 ܐܝܼܬܼ ܕܥܲܡ ܪ̈ܟܼܫܹܐ ܐ̄ܣܝܼܪ̈ܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܥܲܡܗܘܿܢ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܡܲܪܸܗܛܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ [46]

ܘܐܝܟ ܥܲܬܿܝܼܪܵܐ ܓܵܥܿܝܹܢ ܗܘܼܘ . ܘܢܘܼܛܦܬܼܵܐ ܠܗܘܿܢ ܠܐ ܝܵܗܒܿܝܼܢ ܗܘܼܘ ܀

 ܡܲܢܘܼ ܡܸܨܐ ܕܢܹܐܡܲܪ ܥܠܲܝܗܘܿܢ . ܕܐܝܟܿܢ ܘܲܟܼܡܵܐ ܣܥܼܵܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܿܢ[47]

ܕܐܝܟ ܡܸܢܝܵܢ ܦܲܪ̈ܨܘܿܦܝܗܘܿܢ . ܗܵܟܲܢ ܡܸܢܝܵܢ ܫܲܪ̈ܒܲܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

 ܡܲܙܡܘܿܪܵܐ ܕܐܪܒܿܥܵܐ ܘܐܲܪܒܿܥܝܼܢ . ܕܦܸܬܼܓܼܵܡܵܘ̈ܗܝ ܐܲܪܒܿܥܵܐ ܘܚܲܡܫܝܼܢ[48]

ܘܗܘܿ ܐ̄ܚܪܢܐ ܕܐܪܒܿܥܵܐ ܘܫܲܒܼܥܝܼܢ . ܕܦܸܬܼܓܼܵܡܵܘ̈ܗܝ ܫܲܒܼܥܵܐ ܘܐܲܪܒܿܥܝܼܢ ܀

 ܬܠܝܼܬܼܵܝܵܐ ܕܬܸܫܥܵܐ ܘܬܸܫܥܝܼܢ . ܕܦܸܬܼܓܼܵܡܵܘ̈ܗܝ ܬܸܫܥܵܐ ܘܥܸܣܪܝܼܢ[49]

ܕܥܲܠ ܡܲܩ̈ܒܼܵܝܹܐ ܐܲܡܝܼܪܝܼܢ . ܠܲܕܓܼܘܪ̈ܓܵܝܹܐ ܛܵܒܼ ܚܵܫܚܝܼܢ ܀

 ܡܵܪܢ ܡܵܪܢ ܥܲܠ ܡܵܢܐ . ܐܲܗܡܝܼܬܿ ܒܥܲܡܵܟ ܗܟܢܐ [50]

ܘܐܲܪܦܝܼܬܵܝܗܝ ܒܲܕܡܘܼܬ ܥ̈ܢܵܐ . ܕܠܐ ܪܵܥܝܵܐ ܘܠܐ ܡܕܲܒܿܪܵܢܐ ܀

 ܠܵܘ ܒܲܫܡܵܟ ܗܘܸܘ ܡܵܘܕ̈ܝܵܢܹܐ . ܘܲܠܥܹܐܕ̈ܝܟܿ ܗܘܸܘ ܡܥܲܕ̈ܥܕܵܢܹܐ  [51]

ܘܲܠܐܪ̈ܙܝܟܿ ܗܘܸܘ ܡܙܲܝܚ̈ܢܿܐ . ܘܠܟ ܫܲܒܲܚܘ ܒܟܼܠ ܥܸܕܵܢܐ ܀

 ܠܡܵܢܵܐ ܚܘܼ̈ܠܕܹܿܐ ܒܒܼܵܬܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . / ܘܩܘܼܦ̈ܕܹܐ ܒܓܼܵܘ ܩܲܝܛܘܿܢܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ[fol. 51v; 52]

ܘܐܝܼܠܠܬܿܐ ܒܓܼܵܘ ܕܵܪ̈ܬܼܗܘܿܢ . ܘܝܵܪܘܼܪܹ̈ܐ ܒܬܼܵܘ̈ܢܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

ܠܡܵܢܐ ܫܹܕ̈ܐ ܒܥܕ̈ܬܗܘܿܢ . ܘܛܲܡ̈ܐܐ ܒܲܩܕܼܘܿܫ ܩܘܼܕ̈ܫܲܝܗܘܿܢ [53]

ܠܡܵܢܐ ܩܒܼܝܼܪ̈ܐ ܚܹܐܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ . ܘܕ̈ܝܫܹܐ ܒܫܘܼܩܹ̈ܐ ܦܲܓܼܪ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

 ܣܩ̈ܝܼܠܹܐ ܘܫܲܦܝܼܪܹ̈ܐ ܒܢܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ . ܠܡܿܢ ܐܲܫܠܸܡܬܿ ܒܝܲܕ ܣܵܢܐܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ[54]

ܐܦ ܫܲܦܝܼܪ̈ܬܼܐ ܒܢܬ̈ܗܘܿܢ . ܠܡܿܢ ܫܒܼܩܬܿ ܒܐܝܼܕܼ ܒܥܸܠܕܒܒ̈ܝܗܘܿܢ ܀

 ܘܐܸܢ ܒܲܚܛ̈ܗܝܗܘܿܢ ܐܲܪܓܿܙܘܼܟ . ܘܲܒܼܣܘܼܥܪ̈ܢܝܗܘܿܢ ܡܲܪܡܪܘܼܟܼ[55]

ܒܦܘܿܡܲܝܗ̈ܘܿܢ ܡܪܝܐ ܩܪܵܐܘܼܟܼ . ܘܠܸܒܵܘ̈ܬܼܗܘܿܢ ܠܐ ܛܥܵܐ̄ܘܼܟܼ ܀

 ܠܗܠܝܢ ܡܸ̈ܠܐ ܫܡܥ ܟܹܐܢܵܐ . ܘܗܘܸ ܗܘܸܐ ܠܝܼ ܐܝܟ ܡܲܟܿܣܵܢܵܐ[56]

ܫܬܼܘܿܩ ܘܲܫܠܝܸ ܐܘܿ ܡܲܣܟܿܠܢܐ . ܥܲܡ ܡܿܢ ܥܵܒܼܕܲܬܿ ܠܟ ܕܝܼܢܐ ܀

 ܠܐ ܩܪܲܝܬܿ ܟܬܼܵܒܼܵܐ ܕܣܒܪܬܼܐ . ܗܘܿ ܡܠܹܐ ܡܸܠ̈ܐ ܚܲܝܬܼ̈ܐ [57]

ܠܡܿܢ ܛܥܲܝܬܿ ܠܟ ܡܼܢ ܘܵܠܝܼܬܼܵܐ . ܘܡܲܠܸܠܬܿ ܐܝܟ ܒ̈ܢܝ ܛܵܥܝܘܼܬܼܐ ܀

 ܠܐ ܫܡܲܥܬܿ ܠܦܘܼܡܐ ܡܲܚܝܵܢܐ . ܕܐܸܡܲܪ ܠܪ̈ܚܡܵܘܗܝ ܗܟܲܢܐ[58]

ܕܡܬܪܕܦܝܼܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܝܲܡܝܼܢܐ . ܟܠܫܵܥ ܡܼܢ ܒ̈ܢܲܝ ܐܲܒܼܕܵܢܵܐ ܀

 ܡܼܢ ܒܬ̈ܐ ܢܲܦܩܘܼܢܵܟܼܘܿܢ . ܘܲܒܼܫܘܼ̈ܩܹܐ ܢܢܲܓܿܕܘܼܢܵܟܼܘܿܢ[59]

ܘܐܝܟ ܩܘܼܪ̈ܒܢܹܐ ܚܵܫܒܼܝܼܢ ܠܟܼܘܿܢ . ܡܲܪ̈ܚܹܐ ܩܛ̈ܘܿܠܝܟܿܘܿܢ ܀

 ܘܐܢ ܦܲܓܼܪܐ ܒܐܲܪܥܵܐ ܩܵܛܿܠܝܼܢ . ܢܲܦܫܵܐ ܠܡܸܩܛܲܠ ܠܐ ܡܲܫܟܿܚܝܼܢ[60]

ܦܲܓܼܪ̈ܝܟܿܘܿܢ ܒܝܸ ܡܸܬܼܢܲܚܡܝܼܢ . ܘܡܸܬܼܒܲܣܡܝܼܢ ܒܡܲܠܟܿܘܼܬܼܝ ܠܥܵܠܡܝܼܢ ܀

 ܐܢ ܬܲܠܡ̈ܝܼܕܝ ܐܝܼܬܲܝܟܿܘܿܢ . ܡܼܢ ܡܵܪܟܼܘܿܢ ܠܐ ܛܵܒܼܝܼܬܿܘܿܢ[61]

ܡܵܐ ܕܐܲܝܟ ܕܒܼܝܸ ܥܒܲܕܘ ܢܸܥܒܿܕܘܼܢ ܒܟܼܘܿܢ . ܚܕܼܵܘ ܕܫܵܘܬܵܦܲܝ ܗܵܘܹܝܬܿܘܿܢ ܀

 ܠܐ ܐܸܫܬܵܘܕܝܼܬܿ ܚܲܕܘܼ̈ܬܼܐ . / ܒܥܵܠܡܵܐ ܕܲܡܠܸܐ ܒܝܼܫ̈ܬܐ [fol. 52r; 62]

ܐܸܠܐ ܚܲܫ̈ܐ ܘܥܩ̈ܬܐ . ܘܚ̈ܝܐ ܕܠܐ ܚܒܼܵܠܐ ܒܚܲܪܬܼܐ ܀

 ܡܪܢ ܟܠܝܼܠܐ ܕܲܩܛ̈ܝܼܠܐ . ܘܲܡܫܲܢܩܵܢܵܐ ܕܩܵܛܘܿܠܹܐ     [63]

ܪܲܚܸܡ ܥܲܠ ܪܹܫ ܥܘܵܠ̈ܐ . ܡܪܲܟܿܒܼܵܢܵܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ܡܸܠܹ̈ܐ ܀

ܘܚܘܼܢ ܠܕܵܘܝܘܼܬܼܗ . ܘܠܲܐܒܿܝܼܕܘܼܬܼܗ[64]

ܘܚܲܣܵܐ ܘܲܫܒܼܘܿܩ ܚܵܘ̈ܒܵܬܼܗ

ܘܐܲܫܦܲܥ ܪ̈ܲܚܡܲܝܟܿ ܥܲܠ ܕܐܲܟܼܘܵܬܗ

ܘܠܵܟ ܬܸܫܒܿܘܿܚܬܿܐ ܡܼܢ ܟܠ ܦܘܼ̈ܡܝܼܢ

ܐܝܼܬܼܝܵܐ ܓܢܝܼܙܼܵܐ ܠܥܵܠܲܡ ܥܵܠܡܝܼܢ ܀

 Translation

1. In a year full of evils,
as a completion of the three long years, 
when all the disturbances increased,
locust and cricket, and hunger, and death, 
and devastation, and terror, and sedition

fol. 49v   Ruled over all the lands,
there was an ominous rumour heard,
that came to Tiflis city:
Ever since Christianity began,
there was neither people nor folk,
against whom evils took their fill.

2. How bitter the story of Tiflis is,
for disobedient people entered it,
neither thought of nor expected,
and not listening to persuasion[97].

3. In the year twenty three by the Arabs
and six hundred by the Ishmaelites[98]
it happened with the Georgian people
as it had with the people of Amalek. [99]

4. The barbarians’ force came,[100]
and the Persian people together with it,
and Tartars, and the Magians,[101]
and the Kartvelians with the Turks.[102]

5. They were more numerous than locusts,
and more terrible than wasps,
and worse than serpents,
and more ferocious than devils.

6. Any land they were crossing
they cast to the flames.
And any city they were entering
they used to leave like Sodom.

7. The people, resembling beasts,
evil and noxious,
entered those lands,
abundant in faith.

8. Indeed [103] they exposed the city to trial,
giving sentence without any judicial process
to Kingly Tiflis,
The glorious and illustrious.

9. A brave man, Šarwā,[104]
having heard the news of them
led out about seven thousand,
and they fought with them unremittingly.

10. He destroyed a part [105] of their army,
and all day long was pursuing them,
fol. 49v  but the other part / arose against him,
and took him and his troop.

11. And they were put into chains,
like cattle or beasts.
As [the man] full of braveness saw
the evil of magianism,

12. He wrote messages hastily
to the people: ‘Rise in haste,
and everyone get together,
before paganism has overcome!

13. For very strong this people are,
and they are gathered like sea water.
seize them before they have arisen
and exterminated our people!’

14. The messages fell into their hands,[106]
and they brought the just man straight away.
And as they asked him about the letters,
he confessed with no fear:

15. ‘It is not proper that I should hold paganism
To be greater than (my) baptism!’
And as they heard this, a slaughter
was made by all of them at a gathering.[107]

16. The rest, about three thousand,
who were standing at the top of the mountain,
gathered against them in gatherings,
and formed against them formations.

17. From below armies climbed up,
like black clouds,
and heavy whirlwinds.
They all fell down and died immediately.[108]

18. They encircled Tiflis with no fear,
for there was neither king nor a queen in it.
And the heathens came and unlocked from inside,
nd the Magians entered from outside.

19. At the beginning of the Great Day[109]
There was a great mockery in Tiflis,
and a large crowd entered it,
and it was the undoing of the great people.

20. At the time when the Churches sound
Halleluiah and the songs,
there sounded in poor Tiflis
the voice of weeping and lamentations.

fol. 50r   21. It was a day, full of oppression,
a day of darkness and gloom,
and that of mist and cloud,
as blessed Amos said.[110]

22. The day when groans became strong,
and tears of eyes poured forth.
The day when the noble women fell
into the hands of the evil pagans.

23. They made their city alikeShiloh[111]
and their capital alike Zion,
and their kings fell like Saul,
and their sons were killed like his sons,[112]

24. And their priests like the sons of Eli[113]
and their deacons he brought low like the sons of Korah.[114]
And like Jericho fell all
their towers and walls. [115]

25. They were ruined like Jonathan,[116]
and slain like Abner.[117]
Their kings’ crowns were taken off,
as well as the bracelets and diadems of their nobles.

26. They destroyed their crosses with hatchets,
pulled out the altars with spades
ruined the sanctuaries with axes,
and cast their precious things to the ground.

27. They brought the dogs into their temples,
and the mules into their altars.
And the horses neighed in their chapels,
and the steeds rose onto their pulpits.

28. They burned their Scriptures in fire,
and their Books in flames.
and they overthrew the pillars of their cloisters,
and of their glorious convents.

29. Their chiefs fell like Samson,[118]
and their least like Asahel.[119]
And their brave men like Goliath,[120]
and there is no one to bury them.

30. Like reapers they reaped them,
and threw down their elders like shocks,
and their youth like standing corn,
and their children like ears of wheat.

fol. 50v  31. And / they gathered them like grapes,
and they collected them like berries,
and like treaders of grapes they trod them down.
“Hurrah, hurrah!”, and they trampled them.

32. The birds ate their corpses,
the animals sated themselves with their flesh.
And the ground was saturated with their blood,
and the smoke reached heaven.[121]

33. Their virgins were dishonored,
and their respected [women] desecrated,
and most important of them were left naked,
and their great [women] were uncovered.

34. They led the girls out of the chambers 
and the brides from the nuptial beds
and the noble women from the rooms
and made of them maidservants

35. They took crosses from the Churches,
and chalices together with the objects of worship
they sent them to [their] cities
as presents and gifts.

36. And the bishops were put into chains
like villains.
And the head of all episcopacy
was like Daniel in captivity.[122]

37. The Catholicos was bound,
and the bishop was muzzled,
and the chief priest and the chorepiscopus
they were dragging along, yoked like bulls.

38. They made amulets[123] of their censers
and spears of their hosannas,[124]
and they gave their stoles[125] to the slaves,
and their robes to the whores.[126]

39. And they threw their Prophets into the fire,
and their Apostles into the flames.[127]
And the King’s Gospel
was scorned by them.

40. The hermits in their cells,
and the monks in their chambers 
like gazelles they came to them,
and skinned them alive.

41. The saintly nuns,
that had avoided matrimony -
They used them as cup-bearers,
and as whores in brothels.

42. And they violated those who had been virgins,
fol. 51r and captured those /who were beautiful.
And they tore apart those who were pregnant.
And they had no mercy on those who were suckling.

43. Some of them they stripped of their clothing,
and left them like jackals.
And there are some, whose dear ones they slaughtered
like chickens in their wombs.

44. And some they burned inside their houses
together with their babies.
And some of them watched the torments of their children,
and their souls left them through the sufferings.

45. And some of them climbed up a mountain
and threw themselves down from there.
And some of them hid in the caves,
and died of hunger and thirst.

46. And some were bound to horses,
which they drove together with them.
And they were clamoring, like the Rich Man[128]
but they were not given a drop.

47. Who is able to tell about them,
how and how many attacked them?
And about the number of their persons,
also about the number of their families?

48. Psalm forty four,
in which there are fifty four phrases,[129]
and another one is seventy four,
in which there are forty seven phrases.[130]

49. The third one is number ninety nine,
in which there are twenty nine phrases,
these were said of the Maccabees,
and are very suitable for the Georgians.[131]

50. Our Lord! Our Lord! For what reason
did You neglect Your people so?
And have forsaken it like a flock of sheep
that has neither a shepherd nor a leader?

51. Were they not confessing Your name,
and celebrating Your Feasts?
And were they not exulting Your Mysteries,
and glorifying You all the time?

52. Why are there moles in their houses,
fol. 51v  And hedgehogs inside their chambers?
And lamentation in their yards,
And jackals in their rooms?

53. Why are there devils in their Churches,
and the filthy in their Holy of Holies.
Why are their nobles buried,
and their bodies being trampled in the streets?

54. Their graceful and handsome sons,
why did You hand them over into their haters’ hands?
And also their beautiful daughters,
why did You leave them to their foes’ hands?

55. And if they angered You with their sins,
and irritated You with their deeds,
they called You with their mouth,
and their hearts did not forget You.

56. The Righteous One heard those words,
and He was like an accuser for me:
‘Fall silent and calm down, o sinner!
Whom have you judged?

57. Have you not read the book of the Gospel,
that is full of lively words?
Why have you strayed from what is proper,
and spoken like those who are misled?

58. Have you not heard the vivifying mouth
say this to His friends:
‘The sons of the right hand are pursued
all the time by the sons of perdition.

59. From the houses they will drive you away
and in the streets they will beat you,
and they will consider you as sacrifices,
your impudent killers.

60. But if they kill the body on earth,
they are not able to kill the soul.
Your bodies will be resurrected by me,
and will rejoice in my Kingdom for ever.

61. If you are my disciples,
you are not better than your Lord.
So, what they did to me, they will do to you.
Be glad that you are my companions!’ [132]

62. You did not promise mirth
fol. 52r  in the world full of evil,
but rather sufferings and sorrows.
And incorruptible life is in the next world.[133]

63. Our Lord, crown of the slaughtered,
and bringing torment to the killers,
have mercy upon the head of the sinners 
the composer of these words!

64. And pity his weakness,
and his perdition,
and forgive and remit his debts,
and pour Your grace on those like him!
And glory to You from all mouths,
the Concealed Being, for ever!

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